IRLF 


DM1 


WRIGK 


PRACTICAL 
HILOSOPHEJ 


:P:R,IC:E  TEIST 

VOL.  I.  MARCH,   1866  flo,  1, 


THE 


PRACTICAL    PHILOSOPHER 


TRITE    SENATOR 


KDITED    BY    K.  J.   WRIGHT,  A.    M. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
KING  &  BAIRD,  PRINTERS,  No.  607  SANSOM    STREET. 

1866. 

For  Sale  by  T,  B.  CAILENDEE.  Third  and  Walnut   Streets. 


THE 


PRACTICAL   PHILOSOPHER 


TRUE   SENATOR. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

KING  &  BAIUD,  PRINTERS,  No.  607  SANSOM   STREET. 
1SG6. 


IC*N  STACK 


UJ?? 


NEW  LIGHT  ON  GREAT  TOPICS. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT 
AFTER  THE  WAR. 

ONLY  THOSE  AMENDMENTS  WHICH  ARE  CONSEQUENT  UPON 
THE  a  WAR. 

SUFFRAGE  RESTRICTED  TO  WHITES  DULY  NATURALIZED  AND 

COLORED    SOLDIERS. 

Direct  proof  that  the  distinction  of  race,  &c., 

ought  to  be  in  the  Constitution.* 
Resort  to  fundamental  principles  for  the  real 
foundation  of  popular  suffrage. 

Decision    of   majority  not  neces 
sarily  right. 
Suffrage   a   privilege    given    for 

the  good  of  all. 
Qualifications  of  voters — race  the 

most  practicable. 
The  best  moral   principles  diffi 
cult  in  practice. 

"  Three-fifths "  principle  reduced  to  three- 
tenths,  and  that  superseded  for  ten  or  twenty 
years. 

Temporary  clauses  in  the  Con 
stitution. 

Frank  and  open  methods. 

Difficulty  of  recovering  political  privileges 
hastily  given. 

*  See  also  Obj  ections  to  the  proposed  amendment,  Coolies,  and  the  Result  of  extend 
ing  the  Eight  of  Suffrage. 


818 


NECESSITY  OF  SECURING  THE  PUBLIC  DEBT  BY  CONSTITU 
TIONAL  GUARANTEES. 

Our  strength  dependent  upon  our  credit. 

No  debt  to  be  contracted  without  provisions 

at  the  same  time  for  paying  it. 
Advocacy  of  repudiation  criminal. 

IMPROVED  METHOD  OF  CONDUCTING  PRESIDENTIAL  ELEC 
TIONS,  IN  ORDER  TO  ATTAIN  THE  REAL  CHOICE  OF  THE  MAJOR 
ITY,  EITHER  OF  THE  ELECTORS  OR  THE  PEOPLE. 

THE  CLAUSE  ON  EXPORT  DUTIES  SHOULD  BE  SUSPENDED  BY 
THE  CONSTITUTION  IN  CERTAIN  CASES. 

NECESSITY  OF  CONSTITUTIONAL  AND  OTHER  RESTRICTIONS  AS 
TO  ORGANIZING  NEW  STATES  AND  GRANTING  PUBLIC  LANDS, 
AND  OF  RETAINING  THEM  FOR  FUTURE  USES  FOR  THE  GOOD  OF 

MANKIND. 

The  present  system  a  great  evil. 

The  argument  for  gold  unsound. 
Western  ambition  and  selfishness. 
Populating  the  country  in  advance  of  law  and 
civilization. 

Really  no  more  government  land 

wanted  to  be  opened. 

The  science  of  human  government  and  human 
society  not  perfect  enough  to  justify  a  par 
celling  out  of  all   the  land  on  God's  earth. 
Sociological     experiments      and 

discoveries  needed. 

PRINCIPLES  OF  PUNISHMENT  FOR  REBELLION.  DISTINC 
TIONS  AMONG  OFFENDERS. 

Kinds  of  punishment. 

Oaths  not  reliable. 

Objection   to   undoing  the  work 

done  by  military  leaders. 
General     laws     and     temporary 
amnesties. 


DIRECT  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  FAVORITE  PROPOSED  AMEND 
MENT  ABOUT  BASIS  OF  REPRESENTATION. 

Temptation  to  States  to  extend  the  right  of 
suffrage  to  inferior  races  indiscriminately. 

Confusion  of  personal  with  political  equality. 

Idea  of  equality  welcomed,  as  against  slavery. 

These  differences  of  opinion,  founded  on  moral 
and  religious  feelings,  must  have  a  religious 
toleration. 

Evils  and  results  of  the  temptation,  to  extend 
the  right  of  suffrage,  will  be  to  complicate  our 
policy  in  regard  to  Mexico  and  other  coun 
tries  on  this  continent,  inhabited  by  inferior 
races  chiefly. 

The  favorite  amendment  removes  the  only 
check  to  counteract  the  temptation  to  extend 
the  right  of  suffrage. 

It  is  the  result  of  a  reckless  combination. 

Its  most  objectionable  clause  might,  and  ought 
to,  be  submitted  separately. 

Probable  abuse  of  the  clause  about  citizens  of 
one  State  having  equal  rights  in  all,  if  the 
amendment  passes. 


NEW  LIGHT  01  GREAT  TOPICS, 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT 
AFTER  THE  WAR. 

BEFORE  giving  our  objections  to  the  proposed  amendment 
of  the  Constitution,  we  would  suggest  what  seems  to  us 
better  means  for  accomplishing  the  end  in  view.  This  end 
is  the  happy  and  permanent  reconstruction  of  the  Union, 
disturbed  by  the  war.  Hence  comes  the  clear  principle  of 
making  only  those  amendments  that  the  war  itself  and  its 
results  seem  to  have  made  necessary.  No  radical  changes 
should  be  made  hurriedly,  nor  without  thorough  examina 
tion,  in  a  good,  carefully  thought  and  matured  document 
like  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

SUFFRAGE  RESTRICTIONS. 

As  there  are  no  more  slaves,  there  is  no  longer  neces 
sity  for  the  word  "free  "  in  the  Constitution,  and  therefore 
that  word  should  be  removed  and  the  words  white,  duly 
naturalized,  put  in  its  place  ;  thus,  to  make  a  clear  con 
stitutional  recognition  of  the  superiority  of  the  white  race. 

We  would  be  willing,  however,  to  admit  exceptions  in 
the  cases  of  individuals  of  such  races  who  served,  say  one 
year  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  United  States,  during  the 
rebellion,  and  who  have  a  sufficiently  good  moral  and  intel 
lectual  character. 

The  only  reasonable  objection  that  can  be  offered  is,  that 
the  distinction  between  the  races  is  only  of  a  temporary 
nature — that  it  will  sooner  or  later  be  done  away.  But, 
we  answer,  that  some  parts  of  the  Constitution  arc  also  of 
only  a  temporary  nature.  It  has  frequently  been  altered  in 
many  important  matters,  and  does  not  even  contain  any  dis 
tinct  acknowledgment  of  a  God.  It  avowedly  provides  for  its 
own  alteration,  and  admits  tlie  principle  of  even  temporary 


clauses  ;  such  clauses  having   been  placed  in  the  original 
Constitution  of  1789. 

One  argument  in  favor  of  this  distinction  of  races  and 
preference  for  the  white  race  is,  that  such  distinction  is 
recognized  by  the  laws  and  Constitutions  of  probably  every 
State  in  the  Union,  except  Massachusetts  ;  and  a  principle 
so  universally  acknowledged  and  received  throughout  the 
country  should  certainly  be  clearly  avowed  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  now  that  it  has  become  constitutionally  necessary,  in 
asmuch  as  ordinary  laws  cannot  reach  the  case  at  all ;  the 
basis  of  representation  having  wisely  been  placed  in  the 
deepest  and  fundamental  part  of  the  law,  viz.,  the  Consti 
tution. 

We  must  resort  to  fundamental  reasons  and  principles  in 
this  matter. 

The  decision  of  a  majority  is  yielded  to,  not  because  of 
its  certain  rectitude,  but  as  a  means  of  deciding,  thought  to 
be  the  best  yet  attained.  But  it  has  latterly  come  to  be  re 
garded  as  proof  of  right  by  some.  And  others  think  and 
speak  of  the  will  of  the  majority,  as  if  the  mere  will  of  the 
majority  could  justify  a  law,  if  the  law  itself  were  unwise 
and  unjust. 

Minorities  have  rights,  because  they  suffer  by  a  nation's 
sufferings  in  war,  pestilence,  famine,  &c.,  and  because  hu 
man  rights  are  special  and  personal. 

Suffrage  is  not  an  inherent  or  eternal  right,  but  a  privilege 
(political)  designed  for  the  good  and  the  rights  of  all ;  not 
of  majorities  only. 

It  were  desirable,  if  possible,  to  make  intelligence  and 
morality  the  basis  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  but  it  would  be 
difficult  in  practice,  owing  to  human  infirmity  and  the  im 
perfection  as  yet  of  social  sciences. 

It  is,  in  politics,  often  a  greater  difficulty  to  know  how 
to  do  what  we  need  than  to  know  the  need  itself,  especially 
when  the  laws  are  to  be  carried  out  by  politicians  and 
demagogues  greedy  of  gain. 

Race  is  a  general  evidence  of  intelligence  and  capacity, 
and  is  the  best  and  most  practicable,  at  present  possible. 

The  principle  is  partly  the  same  as  that  upon  which 
minors  are  excluded.  For  further  remarks  on  this  subject, 
see  the  latter  part  of  this  article. 

The  principle  of  enumerating  a  certain  portion  of  those 
inferior  races,  the  same  as  if  they  were  white,  seems  good 


8 

enough  in  itself;  but  it  has,  from  the  first,  always  been  con 
sidered  by  the  North  that  "  three-fifths'"  was  too  great  a 
proportion,  and  it  might  well  be  reduced  one-half  that  figure, 
thus  taking  account  of  about  one-third  of  them  for  the  basis 
of  representation. 

But  even  that  should  be  suspended  in  its  operation  for 
ten  or  twenty  years,  thus  to  give  the  Southern  whites  time 
to  become  well  unionized,  before  allowing  them  that  small 
amount  of  privilege. 

This  principle  of  suspending  the  operation  of  some  parts 
of  the  Constitution  for  a  few  years,  might  perhaps  be 
applied  profitably  to  others  also,  in  view  of  the  present 
situation.  Nor  is  there  anything  unusual  in  making  such 
temporary  clauses  ;  but  their  propriety  has  been  acknow 
ledged  already.  For  instance,  in  the  original  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  the  slave  trade  was  prohibited,  but  a 
temporary  clause  was  added,  suspending  that  prohibition 
for  about  nineteen  years,  and  there  are  also  other  instances. 
We  advocate  the  open  and  avowed  method  of  doing 
things  generally,  and  the  open  and  avowed  method  now,  of 
accomplishing  that  which  is  generally  admitted  to  be  the 
real  object  of  the  amendment  which  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  has  already  adopted  and  which  is  now  forced 
upon  the  attention  of  the  American  people. 

We  advocate  this  open  and  candid  method  because  it  is 
sincere, straightforward  and  not  liable  to  a  host  of  unexpected 
objections  and  evil  consequences,  that  generally  follow  the 
attempt  to  do  things  in  a  secret  and  concealed  manner."  (In 
the  latter  part  of  this  article  for  instance — see  the  results 
in  relation  to  the  other  inferior  races  on  this  continent.)  It 
is  the  only  method  which  is  just  and  honorable  to  the  Amer 
ican  people. 

Another  consideration,  which,  greatest  of  all,  should 
cause  hesitation,  is  this,  viz.,  in  a  "Democratic  country 
political  privileges,  once  given  to  the  people,  cannot  be 
taken  away  by  peaceable  means. 

You  may  make  alterations  extending  the  right  of  suffrage 
or  proportion  of  power  in  representation,  and  all  is  smooth 
and  popular  enough ;  but  the  opposite  cannot  be  done 
without  danger  of  blood  and  carnage.  Let  us  be  careful 
then  not  to  make  alterations,  that  will  permit  some  States 
that  we  know  will  take  advantage  of  this  permission,  to 
extend  the  suffrage,  for  an  increase  of  their  own  political 


9 

power,  and  that  will, tempt  all  the  States  to  extend  it  to 
inferior  races,  minors,  &c.  It  might  be  doubted  whether 
such  privileges,  if  once  given,  could  ever  be  recalled  justly 
at  all,  even  if  necessary,  and  might  not  be  recalled  without 
bloodshed. 

SECURITY  FOR  THE  PUBLIC  DEBT. 

The  strength  of  the  Government  depends  greatly  upon 
the  treatment  of  the  public  debt.  We  are  under  solemn 
obligations  to  pay  it,  principal  and  interest,  promptly  and 
freely.  Should  we  violate  that  obligation  in  the  slightest 
degree,  we  not  only  become  criminal  but  we  loose  the 
world's  confidence,  and  so  weaken  ourselves.  Then  we 
could  not  possibly  expect  to  borrow  another  two  thousand 
millions  to  carry  on  another  war,  though  our  national  salva 
tion  depended  upon  it. 

Now  let  us  provide  against  any  such  contingency  by  an 
amendment,  the  object  of  which  is  to  increase  confidence  in 
the  value  of  the  public  debt :  something  like  this,  e.  g.:  No 
law  shall  be  passed  impairing  the  obligation  to  pay  the 
public  debt.  Nor  shall  any  debt  be  incurred,  without  at  the 
same  time  imposing  such  additional  taxes  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  pay  the  interest  thereof,  and  also,  in  addition,  an 
annual  income  of  at  least  five  per  cent,  more  than  such 
interest  (except  in  $ase  of  invasion,  actual  or  threatened, 
and  then  as  soon  thereafter  as  practicable.)  Nor  shall  the 
law  thus  imposing  such  taxes  ever  be  so  far  altered  as  to 
lessen  said  income  until  the  whole  debt  be  paid.  And  this 
amendment  should  provide  that  Congress  shall  immediately 
pass  such  laws  as  are  necessary  to  accomplish  that  object  in 
regard  to  our  present  debt. 

Let  it  be  made  felony  also,  by  an  act  of  Congress,  for  any 
person  holding  any  political  office,  whether  county,  district, 
State  or  national,  or  any  publication  in  the  United  States, 
to  advocate  the  failure  to  pay  promptly  either  interest  or 
principal  of  our  existing  debt. 

We  know  that  there  is  some  danger  that  Southern  influ 
ence,  joined  with  Northern  demagogism,  may  cause  or  at 
least  threaten  the  repudiation  or  neglect  of  this  debt;  or 
may  add  thereto  the  rebel  debt,  (and  all  its  nominal  or 
inflated  face  value,)  by  strategic  legislation ;  in  either  case 
injuring  the  value  of  our  obligations,  and  sacrificing  the 
confidence  of  the  people. 


10 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Another  amendment  needed  is  for  an  improved  method 
of  selecting  the  President,  so  that  the  real  choice  of  the 
majority  may  be  actually  discovered. 

The  people  are  sometimes  influenced  to  vote  for  a  candi 
date,  not  because  he  is  their  choice,  but  because  they  think 
their  first  choice  cannot  be  elected,  and  some  other  candi 
date  must  be  defeated  at  all  hazards. 

For  reasons  well  understood  among  politicians,  parties 
are  generally  pretty  equally  balanced,  so  that  they  will 
stand,  say,  about  fifty-five  to  forty-five  in  a  hundred.  The 
party  having  fifty-five  being  the  majority,  selects  a  candi 
date  who  has  a  majority  of  its  majority,  say  thirty  votes  of 
the  fifty-five,  and  not  a  majority  of  the  whole  people. 

Thus  it  is  that  the  judgment  of  the  majority  is  not  really 
allowed  and  cannot  be,  unless  the  minority  party  could 
have  a  voice  in  the  selection  of  the  candidates  proposed  by 
the  majority.  And  as  that  could  not  and  would  not  be 
done  fairly,  by  any  nominating  caucus  or  convention  before 
election,  it  must  be  aimed  at  after  nomination,  in  the  actual 
election  itself. 

To  illustrate  our  main  idea,  for  instance  :  if  the  Repub 
lican  party  could  have  chosen  between  the  Democratic 
candidates  in  1852,  Cass,  instead  of  Pierce,  would  have  been 
President;  and  in  1856,  Cass  again,  instead  of  Buchanan  ; 
and  so,  if  they  could  have  chosen  between  the  Democratic 
candidates  in  1860,  Douglas  would  have  been  President. 
And  if  even  then  the  great  change  in  parties  had  come,  and 
the  Republicans  had  carried,  then,  on  the  other  hand,  if  the 
Democrats  could  have  chosen  between  the  Republican  can 
didates,  either  Bell,  or  some  other  one,  less  objectionable  to 
the  Democrats,  would  have  been  nominated,  in  view  of  that 
fact ;  and  some  such  Republican  being  thus  elected,  being 
less  objectionable  to  the  Democratic  party,  the  South  would 
not  have  rebelled,  and  their  leaders  could  not  have  had 
enough  material  to  work  up  a  plausible  case. 

Thus,  there  would  neither  have  been  Democratic  aggres 
sion,  nor  Kansas  outrages,  nor  Republican  outraged  indig 
nation,  nor  Southern  rebellion.  The  will  of  the  majority 
would  have  really  governed,  the  principles  of  wisdom  and 
justice  vindicated  peaceably,  literally  half  a  million  of  lives 
saved,  and  more  than  a  million  other  hearts  would  not 


11 

have  grieved  and  agonized  for  their  lost  ones.  Slavery 
would  have  passed  away  in  God's  own  time,  by  purchase 
peaceably,  at  about  one-third  the  cost  of  the  war  in  money ; 
and  honest  industry  and  moral  habits  among  the  people 
been  cultivated,  instead  of  overrun  with  ambition,  idleness, 
instability,  warrior  tastes,  army  vices,  and  other  wild 
growths. 

Now  a  method  for  accomplishing  th^s  is  presented  thus  : 
Let  each  elector  vote  for  two  names,  in  this  manner,  viz.  : 
Taking  his  first  choice,  and  marking  it  with  the  figure  1,  and 
his  second  choice  marked  with  the  figure  2,  and  so  the  votes 
are  polled ;  each  elector  thus  voting  for  two  persons  for 
President. 

The  following  table  will  show  the  probable  result,  if  first 
choice  had  not  had  a  majority  : 


Candidates. 

1st  Choice. 

2d  Choice. 

Total. 

303 

k 

125  + 

50— 

175 

D 

120  + 

150  — 

270 

TTVl       f                       t            t             /I 

Electors. 

Br  
B'l  

35  + 

23  + 

40= 
63= 

75 
86 

therefore  elected. 

And  the  following  table  will  show  the  probable  result  if 
first  choice  had  had  a  majority.  It  gives  under  "  first 
choice"  the  actual  vote  of  the  electors  in  1860,  which  in 
reality  would  not  have  been  so  high  if  an  alternative  of  this 
kind  had  been  provided  for  to  them  : 


Candidates. 

1st  Choice. 

2d  Choice. 

Total. 

L  

ISO  + 

JO— 

192 

D 

12  + 

250— 

262 

Highest  aforearate  vote    and 

therefore 

Br  
B'l  

72  + 
39  + 

11= 

30= 

83 
69 

elected. 

In  case  of  a  tie  between  two  aggregates  of  first  and  second 
choice,  of  course  the  highest  on  first  choice  is  to  be  preferred. 

To  enable  this  amendment  to  succeed  it  might  be  neces 
sary  to  enact  laws,  from  time  to  time,  to  prevent  any  one 
party  from  nominating  more  than  one  candidate  for  one 
office. 

The  aforementioned  principle  of  having  each  person  vote 
for  two  candidates  is  a  return  in  part  to  the  wisdom  of  our 
forefathers,  but  with  this  improvement,  that  in  their  plan 
the  person  having  the  smaller  or  minority  vote  became 


-  12 

Vice-President,  but  by  our  plan  such  is  not  the  case  ;  for  a 
separate  set  of  votes  for  Yice-President  are  also  to  be  ar 
ranged  on  the  same  principles  and  plans  as  for  President. 

EXPORT  DUTIES. 

Another  amendment  required  is,  that  the  clause  forbid 
ding  export  duty  should  have  added  to  it  the  following  ex 
ceptions,  viz.:  Except  during  the  continuance  of  and  for  ten 
years  after  the  conclusion  of  any  war,  foreign  or  internal  ; 
or,  when  the  market  value  of  gold  exceeds  five  per  cent, 
above  the  value  of  the  National  Bank  currency  ;  or,  except 
the  public  debt  exceeds  an  average  of  twenty  dollars  for 
each  individual  of  the  population  of  all  ages  and  sexes, 
(equivalent  to  one  hundred  dollars  for  every  family  of  five 
persons.  Our  debt  before  the  war  was  only  about  quarter 
of  that  estimate,  but  now  it  is  about  five  times  that.) 

PUBLIC  LANDS  AND  NEW  STATES. 

Amendments  are  also  needed  to  restrict  an  unbecoming 
haste  in  the  scheming-up  of  new  States  and  the  granting 
away  of  public  lands,  except  to  sufficient  settlements  and  to 
actual  settlers,  and  on  lands  previously  surveyed  by  the 
United  States  by  regular  and  scientific  approaches,  instead 
of  following  the  courses  of  boundless  rivers,  &c. 

This  measure  is  very  important,  and  its  bearings  need 
only  be  understood  to  be  appreciated.  The  inclination  is 
so  strong  and  the  temptation  so  great,  to  distribute  the  public 
lands,  that  only  constitutional  restrictions  can  prevent  or 
restrain  it. 

Under  the  present  provisions  this  is  a  great  evil,  in  this, 
viz.,  that  instead  of  the  lands  being  sold  to  actual  settlers, 
to  be  immediately  improved,  and  so  become  a  source  of 
revenue  to  the  government,  they  become  the  property  of 
great  railroad  monopolies,  arid  for  their  profit,  or  else  fall 
into  the  hands  of  speculators,  and  lie  dormant  and  only  con 
sidered  in  the  light  of  speculations.  Laid  out  in  sections, 
&c.,  only  on  paper,  sold  to  capitalists  who  never  saw  them, 
and  never  care  to  see  them,  these  sell  them  again  to  simi 
lar  parties,  or  hold  them  to  benefit  by  their  increasing 
value  ;  whereas  this  increase  of  value  might  go  towards 
paying  the  public  debt. 

And  there  should  generally  be  laws  to  restrict 


13 

parts  adjoining  actually  established  settlements,  and  to  regu 
late  their  outward  progress  by  some  uniform  measurement, 
instead  of  following  the  boundless  ranges  of  scattered 
rivers,  and  scattering  the  population  beyond  all  civilization 
and  all  the  power  of  government  observation  or  control. 
And  these  endless  surveys  under  the  present  system  are 
getting  to  cost  more  than  the  government  gets  for  the 
lands.  For  instance,  from  the  New  York  Times  of  February 
8th  :  "The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  reports  to  the  House 
that  the  cost  of  surveying  land  in  California  up  to  the 
present  time  is  $1,314,500,  and  the  proceeds  of  all  sales  of 
lands,  $520,765."  Yet  California  has  been  in  the  Union 
fifteen  years. 

The  argumentfor  promoting  the  emigration  thither,  based 
upon  the  fact  of  so  much  gold  being  found  in  the  far  west, 
will,  in  a  future  article,  be  shown  to  be  unsound  ;  the  in 
crease  of  the  circulating  medium  being  in  the  long  run  an 
economic  evil  to  the  world  at  large,  and  the  eager  pursuit 
of  it  a  cause  of  great  social  harm  to  our  own  people.  The 
interests  of  the  Western  States  as  yet  are  not  identical 
with  those  of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States. 

The  West  might  advocate  wars  with  European  powers, 
perfectly  consistent  with  their  interests,  yet  ruinous  to 
ours.  They  would  not  suffer  from  invasion,  their  firesides 
would  not  be  in  danger,  their  manufactories  would  not  rot 
nor  rust  from  inertia,  their  ships  would  not  fall  to  pieces  on 
the  stocks,  nor  their  commerce  suffer.  On  the  contrary, 
the  Western  and  Pacific  producers  might  unmolested  pur 
sue  their  avocations,  and  all  their  products,  agricultural  and 
mineral  increase  many  fold  in  value.  Western  gold,  we 
find,  is  a  product  especially  enhanced  in  value  by  war. 
Then  after  such  wars  might  end,  those  men,  if  frightened  at 
the  National  debt  so  incurred,  or  inflated  by  their  rapid 
growth  in  wealth  and  population,  achieved  by  our  dis 
tresses  and  by  overland  mails,  overland  coaches,  Pacific 
railroads,  and  other  enterprises  at  our  expense,  and  by  their 
own  vast  internal  resources,  might  secede,  and,  securing 
themselves  behind  their  various  mountain  passes,  set  up  a 
new  republic;  or,  what  not  ? 

This  is  not  the  wild  dream  it  may  seem  at  first  sight. 
These  Western  States  are  no  more  patriotic  than  we  of  the 
East.  They  seek  their  own  pleasures  and  their  own  inter 
ests,  as  well  as  we,  and  are  somewhat  more  willful.  Did 


14 

not  California  threaten  to  secede  when  not  admitted  as  a 
State  as  soon  as  she  wanted  to  be  ?  And  we  heard  an  in 
fluential  California!!  make  a  similar  threat  within  the  past 
four  years.  Has  she  not  always  refused  to  recognize  the 
United  States  Treasury  notes  as  legal  tenders,  in  defiance 
of  the  law?  ;**/., 

These  States,  these  men,  have  power  enough  already, 
and  it  may  be  dangerous  to  concede  to  them  all  they  ask 
for  their  aggrandizement.  We  have  always  been  too  prod 
igal  of  our  resources.  Let  us  no  longer  waste  our  sub 
stance,  nor  burden  ourselves  with  interminable  and  unprofit 
able  surveys,  Pacific  railroads,  &c.  ;  nor  encourage  semi- 
savage  whites  to  go  beyond  the  control  of  society  and  law, 
there  to  raise  disturbances  with  Mormons  and  ignorant  In 
dians,  requiring  an  expensive  army  to  redress  the  imaginary 
wrongs  of  uncouth  outlaws. 

They  are  populating  the  country  in  advance  of  law  and 
civilization.  This  is  demoralizing  and  injurious  to  an 
extent  only  appreciable  when  witnessed  and  understood. 
Men  emigrate  alone,  cutting  themselves  loose  from  home, 
friends,  and  home  influences.  Severed  from  the  ties  and 
associations  of  their  youth  ;  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  the 
gospel ;  of  the  refining  influence  of  female  society  ;  and  of 
the  sacred  atmosphere  around  the  old  church-yard  and 
home ;  the  gulf  widens  between  them  and  good,  and  men 
become  at  first  reckless  or  selfish,  then  brutal,  and  in  many 
cases  ultimately  outlaws. 

If  more  land  were  really  wanted,  some  excuse  might  be 
made.  But  such  is  not  the  case,  for  there  is  land  enough 
now  in  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  or  any  of  our  large 
States,  to  support  our  whole  population.  Not  one  acre  in 
ten  thousand  of  the  land  now  being  pushed  into  the  market, 
or  surveyed,  can  be  settled  for  many  years,  but  are  granted 
to  build  railroads  ;  thus,  by  supporting  one  monopoly, 
establish  others — monopolies  of  land  thrown  away  for  the 
speculators  to  hold,  and  profit  by,  when  the  settlements  do 
come. 

The  science  of  human  government  has  not  attained  per 
fection,  any  more  than  any  other  science.  New  ideas  will 
be  promulgated  by  sociological  experimenters,  and  new 
discoveries  must  be  the  result  of  experiment  in  this  as  in 
any  other  science.  It  is  a  ridiculous  conceit  to  suppose 
that  we  have  arrived  at  the  acme  of  perfection  in  politics, 


15 

or  governmental  matters,  any  more  than  in  the  other 
science. 

Sociology  (the  science  of  society)  is  a  new  science,  and, 
next  to  religion,  is  the  most  important,  inasmuch  as  it  aims 
to  promote  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  mankind  at  large. 
Those  experimenters  best  known,  are  Raleigh,  Baltimore, 
and  Penn,  of  the  past ;  Greely  and  others  of  the  "Phalanx 
Co."  and  Landis,  in  connection  with  the  Hamilton  and 
Vineland  experiments  (both  successful)  and  the  "Econo- 
mites,"  of  the  present  day.  And  who  can  say  as  to  the 
future?  May  not  yet  greater  improvements  arise  and 
inaugurate  a  new  era  in  the  construction  of  society  and 
government. 

Then  these  lands  will  be  needed,  and  they  should  be 
reserved  ;  so  that  when  new  lands  are  really  wanted,  they 
may  be  opened  fresh,  by  new  States,  instead  of  merely  new 
settlements,  villages,  or  mere  "squats,"  and  on  new  and 
improved  principles,  in  accordance  with  future  progressive 
knowledge. 

Let  us  not  be  too  fast.  The  much-hoped-for  day  may 
soon  come,  when  every  new  Western  State  shall  be  so  set 
tled  that  the  lands  will  not  be  sold  absolutely  at  all,  but 
owned  by  the  State,  and  only  rented  on  long  leases,  to  set 
tlers.  Thus  all  improvement  in  the  value  of  lands  would 
inure  to  the  people  at  large.  If,  for  instance,  Pennsylva 
nia  had  been  settled  on  this  principle,  and  so  continued,  the 
income  now  from  the  improvement  in  value  of  lands  alone,  as 
ascertained  by  careful  calculation,  instead  of  inuring  to  the 
few,  would  now  afford  an  income  of  about  sixty  dollars 
($60)  per  annum  to  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the 
community,  and  would  thus  give,  not  as  a  charity,  but  as  a 
common  citizenship,  an  annuity  of  say  one  hundred  and 
eighty  dollars  to  every  widow  with  two  children,  which 
would  be  quite  enough  to  support  them  comfortably. 

The  author  of  this  has  plans  of  details  for  the  accomplish 
ment  of  such  results  in  new  States,  which  he  would  be  glad, 
on  a  proper  occasion,  to  lay  before  the  public. 

PUNISHMENT  FOR  REBELLION. 

In  regard  to    punishment  for  rebellion,  such  punishment 
should  not  be  so  extensive  as  to  hinder  a  real  re-union. 
The  true  principle  why  the  mass  of  voters  should  be  ad- 


mitted  to  civil  rights,  is  not  from  denying  that  they  were 
guilty,  but  that  it  is  the  only  one  whereby  to  restore  real 
National  re-union,  because  of  the  great  number  of  offenders. 
And  it  is  the  true  policy  of  a  Christian  government,  as  the 
only  alternative  is  the  almost  total  extinction  of  a  whole 
people. 

Always  remembering  that  the  object  of  any  punish  mentis 
to  prevent  the  repetition  of  the  offence — in  this  case  any 
subsequent  attempt  to  rebel. 

If  any  distinctions  are  to  be  made  they  should  be  against, 
first,  those  who  advocated  the  rebellion  for  months  before  it 
occurred  ;  second,  those  who  actually  led  as  officers  at  the  • 
beginning  of  hostilities  ;  third,  those  who  maltreated  Union 
citizens  shortly  before  or  during  the  war ;  or  maltreated 
Union  prisoners ;  or  who  carried  on  the  war  by  brutal  or 
cruel  means,  as  was  often  done. 

Also,  punish  by  rendering  special  or  flagrant  offenders 
disqualified  for  any  political  or  corporate  office,  nor  permit 
to  edit  any  publication,  nor  to  own  any  publishing  business, 
nor  to  hold  a  position  as  teacher  in  any  college  or  high- 
school. 

The  punishments  in  the  worst  cases  should  be  imprison 
ment  at  hard  labor,  and  sometimes  solitary  confinement;  not 
capital  punishment ;  the  guilt  being  a  kind  of  "  murder  in 
second  degree  ?r  generally. 

(Oaths  should  not  be  relied,  upon,  for  they  are  generally 
given  most  freely  by  those  who  will  do  the  least  towards 
keeping  them.  Evidences,  not  words,  should  be  the  test, 
when  anything  special  is  required.) 

Banishment  should  be  avoided  as  punishment.  It  en 
genders  foreign  wars. 

There  should  be  no  farther  confiscation  of  property,  ex 
cept  where  there  is  special  guilt.  But  when  confiscation  is 
just  at  all,  eschew  distinctions  about  real  estate,  as  unworthy 
of  the  great  principles  of  eternal  justice  and  right. 

(Yet  we  condemn  the  principle  of  taking  back  from  freed- 
men  and  Northern  purchasers  lands  already  confiscated,  or 
allowed  to  them  during  the  war.  Jf  any  kindness  is  to  be 
done  to  the  "reconstructed,"  let  such  lands  be  paid  for  by 
the  government,  or  Western  land  given  in  place  thereof; 
which  has  another  recommendation.  The  effect  of  taking 
the  land  from  the  negroes  is  bad,  and  the  principle  of  un 
doing  fixed  military  acts  of  the  war  is  unsound.) 


17 

The  laws  for  punishment  should  be  so  based  upon  in 
ward  and  moral  distinctions,  and  so  reasonable  that  few 
special  exceptions  by  the  Executive  need  to  be  made  ;  other 
wise  it  is  working  too  much  in  the  dark.  The  Executive 
must  leave  much  to  his  subordinates ;  and  there  are  too 
many  opportunities  for  prejudice,  spite,  partiality  and  cor 
ruption. 

At  least  a  conditional,  temporary  amnesty  ought  to  be 
granted  to  all,  except  flagrant  criminals,  at  least  for  one 
whole  year,  to  allow  them  to  return  to  their  peaceful  avo 
cations  of  life,  and  to  employ  their  negroes  and  work  their 
plantations. 

OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  PROPOSED  AMENDMENT. 

We  come  now  to  giving  a  few  direct  objections  to  a  cer 
tain  favorite  amendment  already  proposed  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  making  representation  in  proportion  to 
the  voting  race. 

This  amendment  recognizes  the  fact  that  each  State  may 
allow  whoever  it  pleases  to  vote  at  its  own  State  elections  ; 
and  that  then  it  shall  have  an  amount  of  representation  in 
the  National  Congress  in  exact  proportion  to  the  number 
of  those  races  it  allows  to  vote  at  its  State  elections. 

This  favored  amendment  is  a  temptation  to  all  our  States 
to  open  the  privilege  of  suffrage,  not  only  to  the  African, 
but  to  all  the  inferior  races  who  may  be  an  element  of  our 
population,  for  example  the  Chinese,  many  of  whom  are  in 
California,  and  their  number  rapidly  increasing ;  the  Az 
tecs,  natives  of  Lower  California  and  Mexico  ;  the  Indians' 
and  mongrel  races,  that  are  the  only  population  in  some 
parts.  There  has  been,  and  probably  will  be,  a  considera 
bly  increased  immigration  of  coolies.  Let  it  be  remem 
bered  that  these  are  far  inferior  to  the  negroes,  not  even 
being  Christians,  and  also  less  tractable  ;  and  many  of  the 
Mexican  and  South  American  races  are  only  nominally 
Christians. 

.  The  subject  of  the  relations  of  races  among  us  is  preju 
diced  by  two  very  important  matters  associated  with  it  in 
the  mind,  but  having  no  real,  but  only  sophistical  connec 
tion  with  it. 

One  of  these  matters  is  the  doctrine  of  equality,  as  pro 
pounded  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  But  this 


18 

doctrine  undoubtedly  referred  not  to  political  forms  or  privi 
leges,  but  to  personal  rights,  for  it  immediately  added,  "  en 
titled  to  the  inalienable  right  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness."  And  furthermore,  the  races  other  than  whites 
in  the  country  then  were  only  the  African,  lately  imported, 
and  in  nearly  their  primitive  condition,  and  the  native  un 
civilized  Indians,  who  to  this  day  are  not  thought  of  as  en 
titled  to  political  equality. 

The  other  matter  whereby  the  subject  is  prejudiced  is 
this,  that  we  have  lately  been  struggling  hard  to  free  a 
whole  race  of  slaves,  often  badly  treated  and  their  human 
rights  before  the  law  nearly  all  ignored.  In  such  case  the 
ideas  of  human  equality  received  from  us  a  ready  reception, 
because  in  our  minds  we  meant  civil  and  personal  rights, 
which  are  denied  to  free  negroes  even  yet  in  some  of  the 
Abolition  States  of  the  West.  But  in  the  Middle  States, 
where  people  have  been  in  the  habit  for  several  generations 
of  considering  this  subject  coolly,  and  of  viewing  it  from  all 
sides,  the  principle  is  easily  understood,  of  allowing  the  in 
ferior  races  perfect  equality  in  person,  and  even  for  form 
ing  the  private  social  relations,  whilst  reserving  from  them 
as  yet  all  political  privileges. 

Now  the  great  subjects  and  phrases  of  expressing  human 
liberty  and  human  equality  have  among  us  come  to  be 
closely  associated  with  our  religious  feelings,  and  in  fact 
have  become  parts  of  our  religion,  as  it  was  among  the 
ancient  Greeks.  Hence  our  differences  of  opinion  have  all 
the  rancorand  all  the  unreasonableness  of  religious  disputa 
tions  generally,  without  the  ameliorating  influences  of  the 
Christian  charity  and  feeling  being  directly  applicable.  And 
hence  our  struggles  about  them  are  in  danger  of  becoming  as 
lasting  and  as  exhausting  as  the  religious  wars  from  the  fif 
teenth  to  the  seventeenth  century,  when  they  ceased  only 
after  it  became  evident  that  neither  party  was  either  any 
more  convinced  nor  any  more  convincing  or  absolute  than 
at  first ;  that  they  were  mutually  becoming  exhausted,  and 
must  both  become  nearly  exterminated,  unless  they  learned 
to  live  together  in  wisdom  and  peace. 

And  now,  if  men  will  consider  the  principles  explaining 
the  differences  of  opinions  among  religious  sects,  they  can 
easily  apply  them  to  the  great  questions  involved  in  the  re 
construction  of  peace  and  order  in  the  United  States. 

We   referred   above  to  the  temptation  which  the   new 


19 

amendment  presents  to  States,  to  extend  the  right  of  suf 
frage  . 

Should  such  temptation  lead  to  such  a  result,  it  would 
not  only  corrupt  political  sentiment,  but  would  complicate 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  our  possible  future  action  in 
regard  to  Mexico,  or  any  other  countries  on  this  continent, 
as  they  are  nearly  all  inhabited  by  inferior  races  chiefly. 
This  very  difficulty  was  the  obstacle  shortly  after  the  Mexi 
can  war,  when  we  could  have  had  that  country.  We  tlid 
not  know  what  to  do  with  the  peons,  nor  would  we  know 
now. 

We  must  settle  the  suffrage  question  at  once,  and  ascer 
tain  to  whom  the  fitness  and  the  right  of  government  be 
longs;  who  are  to  vote  and  who  legislate  ;  or  we  are  liable 
to  be  overflowed  and  politically  overpowered  by  the  scum 
and  dregs  of  every  part  of  God's  footstool,  from  South 
Africa  to  Terra  del  Fuego,  voting  at  our  polls,  taking 
away  our  offices,  and  embroiling  us  in  continual  wars 
with  the  governments  they  may  hate ;  or  for  the  wealth 
they  covet,  but  are  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  obtain 
honestly  and  peacefully. 

Under  such  circumstances  we  would  not  dare  to  take 
Mexico  or  any  other  country  or  province  under  our  pro 
tection,  even  when  solicited,  for  the  governed  might  soon 
become  the  governors. 

The  Constitution  provides  one  check  to  counteract  the 
tendency  of  States  to  make  the  voting  privilege  unlimited. 
It  provides  that  direct  taxes  shall  be  imposed  on  districts 
in  proportion  to  their  representation  in  Congress.  But  the 
amendment  takes  away  even  that  check. 

This  amendment  is  evidently  the  result  of  a  combination 
between  Western  ambition  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other  hand  Eastern  fanaticism — that  is  determined — and 
whose  ultimate  object  is  to  extend  universal  equality  to  the 
negro,  both  in  government  and  in  society,  jeckless  of  the 
feelings  or  interests  of  the  Middle  States,  and  reckless  also 
of  all  intermediate  or  moderate  opinions  every  where,and  reck 
less  of  our  future  relations  with  the  other  races  on  this  con 
tinent. 

The  last  clause  of  the  amendment  as  it  now  stands,  viz., 
"Provided  that  whenever  the  elective  franchise  shall  be  de 
nied  or  abridged  in  any  State  on  account  of  color  or  race,  all 
persons  therein  of  such  color  or  race  shall  be  excluded  from 


20 

the  basis  of  representation, "should,  in  fairness  to  the  Ameri 
can  people,  have  been  separate,  so  that  each  State  might 
vote  as  they  please  on  it. 

But  if  the  favored  amendment  is  adopted,  it  will  be  found 
necessary  to  revoke  that  clause  giving  citizens  of  one  State 
equal  rights  in  all  the  other  States,  so  far  as  suffrage  is  con 
cerned,  (and  enforcing  it  in  all  other  respects,)  or  else  it 
will  be  hereafter  so  construed  as  to  force  the  Middle  States 
to  give  the  right  of  suffrage  to  inferior  races  from  other 
States. 


WAR! 

War  !  War  I  Wars  begin  with  good  intentions ;  but 
where  do  they  end  ?  Who  can  foretell  ?  At  first  war  for 
the  Union,  then  war  for  emancipation,  then  war  for  negro 
suffrage  and  equality,  then  war  against  Mormons  in  Utah, 
against  Spaniards  in  Hayti,  against  French  in  Mexico, 
against  monarchy  in  South  America,  against  English  in 
Ireland,  against  nobility  in  Hungary  and  Germany,  against 
slavery  everywhere,  against  monarchy  everywhere ;  war 
against  objectors  at  home  ;  war  for  old  prejudices  ;  war  for 
new  passions  1  War !  War  !  War  ! 


21 


EDITOR'S  ADDRESS. 


TO  THE  HEADER, 

The  PRACTICAL  PHILOSOPHER  AND  TRUE  SENATOR  is  de 
signed  to  be  a  monthly  or  quarterly  publication  devoted  to 
the  improvement  of  Government  and  Politics,  Church, 
State,  and  Human  Society.  Its  method  of  discussing  is  to 
be  by  reverting  constantly  to  general  fundamental  princi 
ples,  instead  of  the  passions  or  prejudices  of  the  day,  or  age, 
or  country. 

Before  the  war  the  editor  had  devoted  himself  mostly 
to  the  study  of  theological  aud  philosophical  questions  ; 
but,  after  that  outbreak,  politics,  that  he  had  hitherto  con 
sidered  as,  in  this  country,  but  little  more  than  party  squab 
bles  for  place,  and  words,  rose  up  before  him  as  the  object 
to  which  he  desired  to  devote  his  time  and  spare  means,  if 
possible. 

This  publication,  when  touching  religion  at  all,  will  be  of 
a  broad  Christian  Catholic  nature.  Neither  will  it  be  re 
stricted  to  narrow-minded  views  iii  regard  to  civil  affairs ;' 
the  editor  being  of  the  opinion,  that  without  a  truly  bibli 
cal  and  historical  cosmopolite  feeling,  and  the  maintenance 
of  more  reverence  and  respect  among  us,  the  statesman 
ship  and  liberties  of  this  world  may  finally  prove  to  be  a 
stupendous  abortion. 

The  peculiar  panacea  which  we  propose  cannot,  of  course, 
be  developed,  except  in  the  actual  publication  itself.  It 
will  endeavor  to  see  the  inside  of  its  subjects  impartially, 
and  to  harmonize  contending  truths ;  and  on  new  and 
American  principles;  and  to  think  several  times  "before 
speaking  once." 

If  its  contents  are  to  be  measured  by  the  bushel  or  yard, 
the  proprietor  is  quite  confident  it  will  be  a  failure  ;  but  if 
it  is  to  be  estimated  by  weight,  he  hopes  it  may  have  a  bet 
ter  success. 


22 

If  any  surplus,  over  reasonable  expenses,  is  received  for 
it,  (of  which  a  carefu-l  account  will  be  Kept  and  published,) 
any  such  surplus  will  be  spent  in  improving  the  publication 
itself. 

The  many  imperfections  in  the  style  of  this  number  are 
deeply  felt,  but  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  excused,  on  account  of 
there  being  no  time  at  present  to  re-write  it. 

Owing  to  a  great  inconvenience  of  circumstances,  no 
regularity  in  the  time  of  the  future  numbers  of  this  publi 
cation  can  be  depended  upon,  this  coming  summer. 

The  next  number  when  ready  will  be  duly  advertised, 
and  will  give  more  explanations  and  particulars.  Also, 
copies  of  it,  we  hope,  will  be  found  in  the  news  shops 
generally, 

Persons  who  favor  the  enterprise,  and  who  are  willing  to 
give  it  either  literary  assistance,  or  their  names  and  amounts 
for  pecuniary  donations,  to  be  paid  hereafter,  are  requested 
to  address 

R.  J.  WEIGHT, 

Box  2818,  P.  O., 

Philadelphia,  Pa. 


